How do I become a member of the International High IQ Society? I registered with the pay later option, how do I log in? How long will my information stay saved if I don't want to sign up immediately? I received an error at the end of the test and the score did not display, what do I do? Why is there a factual knowledge section in your tests? How can I contact the International High IQ Society? How does mainstream science view intelligence testing? Privacy Statement Terms of Use How do I become a member of the International High IQ Society?
You can become a member of the Society by taking one of our free IQ tests, available on our website here, or you can submit proof of IQ from a professionally administered test via email or regular mail. For more information on sending IQ scores, use the contact us page to talk to a Society representative.
I registered with the pay later option, how do I log in?
If you passed the test, filled out the registration form, and selected the pay later option, your information is saved in our database. All you have to do is go to our homepage, find the red chair icon and log in with your username/password and it will take you to the payment page where you can complete your membership at your leisure.
How long will my information stay saved if I don't want to sign up immediately?
Your information is stored permanently in our database. We do not sell or rent this information to any third parties.
I received an error at the end of the test and the score did not display, what do I do?
The tests require you have the latest version of Flash Player installed to produce a score. You can download a free copy from Adobe’s website here.
Why is there a factual knowledge section in your tests?
The psychometric fitness of the general knowledge subtest is well documented, and of the twelve to fourteen major subtests found on modern IQ tests, the general knowledge portion is widely considered to have one of the highest correlation coefficients of any subtest, usually behind only vocabulary subtests. The general knowledge subtest is an essential part of almost all professional IQ tests used today, including the gold standard of adult IQ assessment, the WAIS-III.
How can I contact the International High IQ Society?
Our primary focus is to provide support through the most efficient methods available. We have found that providing email and Internet support allows us to give quick, reliable, and consistent answers to your questions and concerns. Using email also allows us to document what was communicated in previous emails to you and to avoid duplication of responses. To contact us, please use the following contact form: www.highiqsociety.org/support/support_contact.php
How does mainstream science view intelligence testing?
This public statement, written and signed by 52 internationally known scholars, was published in the Wall Street Journal on December 13th, 1994 to clear up the major misconceptions the public has about intelligence testing. An alphabetical listing of the scholars and their home institutions are given at the end of the statement.
Many commentators have offered opinions about human intelligence that misstate current scientific evidence. Some conclusions dismissed in the media as discredited are actually firmly supported. This statement outlines conclusions regarded as mainstream among researchers on intelligence; in particular, on the nature, origins, and practical consequences of individual and group differences in intelligence. Its aim is to promote more reasoned discussion of the vexing phenomenon that the research has revealed in recent decades. The following conclusions are fully described in the major textbooks, professional journals and encyclopedias in intelligence. Intelligence is a very general mental capability that, among other things, involves the ability to reason, plan, solve problems, think abstractly, comprehend complex ideas, learn quickly and learn from experience. It is not merely book learning—a narrow academic skill—or test-taking smarts. Rather, it reflects a broader and deeper capability for comprehending our surroundings, i.e. "catching on," "making sense of things,” and "figuring out what to do.” Intelligence, so defined, can be measured, and intelligence tests measure it well. They are among the most accurate (in technical terms, reliable and valid) of all psychological tests and assessments. They do not measure creativity, character, personality, or other important differences among individuals, nor are they intended to. While there are different types of intelligence tests, they all measure the same intelligence. Some use words or numbers and require specific cultural knowledge (like vocabulary). Others do not, and instead use shapes or designs and require knowledge of only simple, universal concepts (many/few, open/closed, up/down). The spread of people along the IQ continuum, from low to high, can be represented well by the bell curve (in statistical jargon, the "normal curve"). Most people cluster around the average (IQ 100). Few are either very bright or very dull: About 3% of Americans score above IQ 130 (often considered the threshold for giftedness), with about the same percentage below IQ 70 (IQ 70-75 often being considered the threshold for mental retardation). IQ is strongly related, probably more so than any other single measurable human trait, to many important educational, occupational, economic, and social outcomes. Its relation to the welfare and performance of individuals is very strong in some arenas in life (education, military training), moderate but robust in others (social competence), and modest but consistent in others (law-abidingness). Whatever IQ tests measure, it is of great practical and social importance. A high IQ is an advantage in life because virtually all activities require some reasoning and decision-making. Conversely, a low IQ is often a disadvantage, especially in disorganized environments. Of course, a high IQ no more guarantees success than a low IQ guarantees failure in life. There are many exceptions, but the odds for success in our society greatly favor individuals with higher IQs. The practical advantages of having a higher IQ increase as life settings become more complex (novel, ambiguous, changing, unpredictable, or multi-faceted). For example, a high IQ is generally necessary to perform well in highly complex or fluid jobs (the professions, management); it is a considerable advantage in moderately complex jobs (crafts, clerical and police work); but it provides less advantage in settings that require only routine decision making or simple problem solving (unskilled work). Differences in intelligence certainly are not the only factor affecting performance in education, training, and highly complex jobs (no one claims they are), but intelligence is often the most important. When individuals have already been selected for high (or low) intelligence and so do not differ as much in IQ, as in graduate school (or special education), other influences on performance loom larger in comparison. Certain personality traits, special talents, aptitudes, physical capabilities, experience, and the like are important (sometimes essential) for successful performance in many jobs, but they have narrower (or unknown) applicability or "transferability" across tasks and settings compared with general intelligence. Some scholars choose to refer to these other human traits as other "intelligences." Individuals differ in intelligence due to differences in both their environments and genetic heritage. Heritability estimates range from 0.4 to 0.8 (on a scale from 0 to 1), most thereby indicating that genetics plays a bigger role than does environment in creating IQ differences among individuals. (Heritability is the squared correlation of phenotype with genotype.) If all environments were to become equal for everyone, heritability would rise to 100% because all remaining differences in IQ would necessarily be genetic in origin. Members of the same family also tend to differ substantially in intelligence (by an average of about 12 IQ points) for both genetic and environmental reasons. They differ genetically because biological brothers and sisters share exactly half their genes with each parent and, on the average, only half with each other. They also differ in IQ because they experience different environments within the same family. That IQ may be highly heritable does not mean that it is not affected by the environment. Individuals are not born with fixed, unchangeable levels of intelligence (no one claims they are). IQs do gradually stabilize during childhood, however, and generally change little thereafter. Although the environment is important in creating IQ differences, we do not know yet how to manipulate it to raise low IQs permanently. Whether recent attempts show promise is still a matter of considerable scientific debate. Genetically caused differences are not necessarily irremediable (consider diabetes, poor vision, and phenal ketonuria), nor are environmentally caused ones necessarily remediable (consider injuries, poisons, severe neglect, and some diseases). Both may be preventable to some extent. The research findings neither dictate nor preclude any particular social policy, because they can never determine our goals. They can, however, help us estimate the likely success and side-effects of pursuing those goals via different means. The following professors—all experts in intelligence and allied fields—have signed this statement: Richard D. Arvey, University of Minnesota Thomas J. Bouchard, Jr., University of Minnesota John B. Carroll, Un. of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Raymond B. Cattell, University of Hawaii David B. Cohen, University of Texas at Austin Rene V. Dawis, University of Minnesota Douglas K. Detterman, Case Western Reserve Un. Marvin Dunnette, University of Minnesota Hans Eysenck, University of London Jack Feldman, Georgia Institute of Technology Edwin A. Fleishman, George Mason University Grover C. Gilmore, Case Western Reserve University Robert A. Gordon, Johns Hopkins University Linda S. Gottfredson, University of Delaware Robert L. Greene, Case Western Reserve University Richard J.Haier, University of Callifornia at Irvine Garrett Hardin, University of California at Berkeley Robert Hogan, University of Tulsa Joseph M. Horn, University of Texas at Austin Lloyd G. Humphreys, University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign John E. Hunter, Michigan State University Seymour W. Itzkoff, Smith College Douglas N. Jackson, Un. of Western Ontario James J. Jenkins, University of South Florida Arthur R. Jensen, University of California at Berkeley Alan S. Kaufman, University of Alabama Nadeen L. Kaufman, California School of Professional Psychology at San Diego Timothy Z. Keith, Alfred University Nadine Lambert, University of California at Berkeley John C. Loehlin, University of Texas at Austin David Lubinski, Iowa State University David T. Lykken, University of Minnesota Richard Lynn, University of Ulster at Coleraine Paul E. Meehl, University of Minnesota R. Travis Osborne, University of Georgia Robert Perloff, University of Pittsburgh Robert Plomin, Institute of Psychiatry, London Cecil R. Reynolds, Texas A & M University David C. Rowe, University of Arizona J. Philippe Rushton, Un. of Western Ontario Vincent Sarich, University of California at Berkeley Sandra Scarr, University of Virginia Frank L. Schmidt, University of Iowa Lyle F. Schoenfeldt, Texas A & M University James C. Sharf, George Washington University Herman Spitz, former director E.R. Johnstone Training and Research Center, Bordentown, N.J. Julian C. Stanley, Johns Hopkins University Del Thiessen, University of Texas at Austin Lee A. Thompson, Case Western Reserve University Robert M. Thorndike, Western Washington Un. Philip Anthony Vernon, Un. of Western Ontario Lee Willerman, University of Texas at Austin Privacy Policy
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